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Tuesday, October 25, 2011

“Rising Urban Homicides Raise Officials’ Concern”

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1. They are concerned because if it would have kept on going higher there wouldn’t be enough police officials to handle the overwhelming crime rate and now that it has lowered there isn’t a high demand for police men.


. Officials can’t draw firm conclusion because the homicide rate keeps rising and lowering significantly.


. The forces that contributed to a drop in homicide were more criminals in prisons, innovative police strategies, intense community efforts to work with troubled youths, a waning of the crack cocaine epidemic and a strong economy providing more jobs in impoverished neighborhoods.


4. The cities in the U.S. that have had more than a hundred homicides were five of the seventeen cities that had increased killings.


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5. The number of reported homicides last year was 15,600.


6. The percentage of the national total for the seventeen cities accounted for more than twenty five percent of the nation’s homicides.


7. Concerns about crime have been heightened recently by shocking attacks in several cities.


8. Police officials think that the upturns in homicide in 1 and 000 are simply a normal statistical variation after so many good years, which had brought homicide rates to their lowest point nationally since 167.


. Mr. Fox and Mr. Blumstein both postulate that the murder rate cannot go any lower because “the rates have come down so far, they simply can’t be maintained at such a low level”.


10. Commissioner Safir suggests that it might be more accurate to look at the broader range of serious crimes, rather than just homicide because New York officials have used the homicide rate as a measure of their success in making the city safer.


11. Mr. Safir claims that assault, rape, burglary, theft and automobile theft have gone down eight percent in 000.


1. Operation Condor lets police officers in high crime areas work more overtime.


1. Since the adoption of Operation Condor there had been a small drop in homicides in May and so far in June, and Mr. Safir predicted that the total for 000 would be where it was in 1.


14. It makes it difficult because there are no obvious patterns to account for the increases in homicide in the cities that have had them.


15. Sgt. Jeff said “the rise can be largely attributed to the cities rapid population growth and its position near the Mexican border, with the large influx of illegal immigrants”.


16. The Phoenix police put together a special homicide task force for the year 000, with many of its members Spanish speakers, and the city has had a drop in homicide through the end of May.


17. Jason Lee says he has no explanation.


18. Criminologists explain the upsurge is due to a new generation of teenagers, too young to have experienced the terrifying consequences of the crack epidemic of the late 180’s.


1. Geoffrey Canada agrees with the hypothesis because he has seen an increase in kids who are cut with box cutters and razors but not the return of guns.


0. Mr. Canada said he hasn’t lost a kid in several years.





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Euthanasia

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Euthanasia is the practice of mercifully ending a


person’s life in order to free them from a disease that has


no cure, unbearable suffering, or shameful death. The Greek


meaning of euthanasia is “good death”.


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There are a few different types of euthanasia. Active


euthanasia is putting someone to death for sympathetic


reasons, like when a doctor administers a lethal dose of


medication to a patient. Passive euthanasia involves not


doing something to prevent a patient from dying, as whe ...


Most suicides appear to be associated with a long-lasting depression; they are often a permanent solution to a temporary problem. In North America, they seem to peak annually in the early springtime. One theory is that individuals decide to commit suicide while profoundly depressed in the dead of Winter, but lack the ability to organize their own death. Later, when the weather improves and they feel better, they are able to arrange their suicide.


The word euthanasia means “good death”. Each day, thousands of people suffer from terminal illnesses. The pain becomes unbearable, and the patient becomes desperate for relief. Physician assisted suicide becomes an opinion. Doctor Kevorkian agrees with this idea of dying peacefully and is well known for his assisted suicides. He has had his medical license suspended, and had been unjustly punished for his crimes. Physician assisted suicide is less expensive, humane, and offers a person a night t ...


The word euthanasia is derived from the Greek word eu for good and thantos which means death and originally referred to intentional mercy killing. But the word it euthanasia has acquired a more complex meaning in modern times. Proponents of euthanasia believe that a dying patient has the right to end their suffering and leave the world in a dignified manner. Those who contest euthanasia believe that man does not have the right to end another persons life no matter what pain they en ...





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Monday, October 24, 2011

Wine Making

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The art of wine making is thousands of years old; it was around in the time of Jesus, and there have been archeologists that have found clay wine jars dating back to about 1000 B.C. No one really knows when the tradition started, but it has been important to many different cultures like the Romans, Chinese, and even the Turkish people. With an unknown birth, wine making is still a very important part of today’s cultures, and after being around for more than three thousand years many different styles and techniques have developed, so there is no one correct way to make wine. People all over the world make different wines different ways where each wine having its own character and flavor. One of the simplest wines to make is an apple wine; this is a fresh fruit wine. To make this wine there are simple steps that will be give explanation so that any one will be able to make a gallon of this particular type of wine.


The first thing must be done is that the Equipment must be gathered. Two one gallon carboys; this is use for stage of fermentation. Also Airlocks and stoppers will be needed to stop oxygen from getting the wine while fermenting in the carboy. In aid of moving the wine from one carboy to the other carboy a large funnel can be used. Next there will be long handled spoons for mixing; make sure that wooden spoons are not use at all. The wooden spoon is bad for the wine; it will comprise an appalling flavor. Also a Hydrometer will be required to tell how much sugar that is dissolved in the wine; it is the most useful tool in determining when the wine has completed fermenting, but not mandatory. A siphoning assembly is the next tool that will be tool needed; it will be used to bottle the wine. Mainly the siphoning assembly is a pipe and tube used for moving the liquid. After bottling the wine a cork will be needed, and this can be done with a corker. A corker will simply put the cork all the way in the mouth of the bottle, sealing the bottle. Most of these tools can be very difficult to find, and to make it easy there are kits that have all of the tools needed to make the wine. Theses kits maybe found at most wine aeries, or are found on the internet pricing at about thirty-five dollars.


After getting all of the tools that are needed; next the listed ingredients are need


1 1oz. can of frozen apple juice


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1 6 oz. can of frozen lemonade or the juice of two lemons


1 lb. of sugar (two cups) or 1.5 lb. of mild honey


1 gallon of water, boiled and cooled while covered


1 packet of wine yeast (champagne or Montrachet)


½ teaspoon of pectic enzyme (optional)


5 Campden tablets (optional)


These are all of the ingredients that will be needed in the first day of wine making; now on to the procedures. The first procedure is to boil a gallon of water, and add the two cups of sugar or a pound and a half of mild honey. Boiling the water dose two things it makes the sugar or honey more soluble in the water, and also it cleans the water. Cleaning the water is very important; in tap water there are enzymes, and other living organisms that will be bad for the fermentation stages. It can alter the timing of completion and the over all flavor may become bitter. Next the water needs to go into the carboy, but before that is done the carboy must be cleaned. It can be cleaned two different ways, and nether way is better than the other. One is to sterilize with boiling water, and two use an unscented bleach to disinfect the carboy. The reasoning for cleaning the carboy is the same as boiling the one gallon of water.


Step two is to pour the sugar-water into the carboy; this is where the funnel will come in use. Because the carboy has a small opening it is best to use the funnel to get all of the mixture in it. Next, while the sugar-water is still warm the 1 ounces of apple juice and 6 ounces lemon juice will need to be added. The apple and lemon juices are for the flavoring of the wine; without them just ethyl alcohol would be made. After adding the juices it is helpful to stir the mixture. At this time the packet of wine yeast will need to be added. This is what causes the fermentation. Finally, this part is an optional part, the addition of the ½ teaspoon of pectic enzyme or the five campden tablets. The enzyme and the campden are merely just activating agents to help start and speed up and the fermentation process; doing so will cut down on the time needed. Following the addition of the activating agents use the rubber stopper, and let the mixture sit in a warm (60°F-80°F) dark place where it will not be disturbed for one month.


What is fermentation? It can simply be expressed with the chemical formula C6H1O6  CO + CH5OH. But for those that are not that good at chemistry; “fermentation is a chemical reaction that takes place when yeast turns sugar into alcohol.” according to Wine Maker magazine. The yeast that is put into the wine (at that point it is more like sugar water) will brake down the sugar; making 51 to 55% of the sugar into ethyl alcohol, and the remaining 45 to 4% into carbon dioxide gas. It sounds pretty straightforward right? But fermentation is the most important part of making wine. It is the part that can make a wine great or the worse thing anyone has ever tasted.


In one month the wine will go through most of its fermentation, but it is not finished fermenting. At the bottom of the carboy there will be a lot of sediment form the fermentation. To get rid of the sediment the wine can be siphoned in to the second carboy. This is done by putting the carboy with the wine put hirer than the new carboy that is it having the wine transferred to; a table top will work just fine. This is where the siphoning assembly will come in use. Place the part that is the pipe in the carboy with the wine, and make sure that the pipe is not in the sediment; it may be wise to have a friend help hold the pipe while siphoning. Next, suck gently on the tube part drawing the wine through the tube. Try not to get any in the mouth, but it will not be dangerous if some dose; it will just leave a bad flavor in the mouth of the one siphoning. After drawing the wine through the tube cut of the tube by squeezing both sides, and places the tube in the second carboy. Let the wine siphon until some of the sediment is staring to be sucked up then stop; yes some of the wine will be lost but it won’t be much. After siphoning, plug the new carboy with the rubber stopper. Again store in the same conditions as before for another month; the second month will farther continue the fermenting process.


After the second month of fermentation it will necessary to check the amount of alcohol in the wine. This is done by the use of a hydrometer, but if a hydrometer is not present another method is to tap the side of the carboy. When tapping the side if there are bubbles it means the fermentation is complete, and if it doesn’t bubble the wine will need more time. It should be put back in to storage, and checked weekly until bubbles appear. When the wine is finished there are two things that can be done; one to drink it right then, or it can be bottled and stored for three to six more months. The extra time will ripen, and mature the flavor. Bottling the wine is a very simple part, and the final step. For a gallon, about five 750ml bottles will be needed (this type of bottle is the most common). The best method for bottling is to siphon the wine into each bottle; again it would be best if a friend was to help. Put the pipe of the siphoning assembly into the second carboy just about the sediment that is at the bottom, and then slowly suck the wine through the tube. After drawing the wine squeeze both sides of the tube, and place tube in the mouth of the bottle. Fill the bottle; after the first one is full squeeze and repeat with the rest. Next the bottles will need to be corked; that is done with a corker. After bottling store the wine for any given amount of time in any conditions, but a warm room and a longer time is best.


So the next time some friend come over they can be treated to some home made wine. Keep in mind that there are thousands of different wines that can be made, and this was just one of them. The particular hobby of wine making take a lot of time, but is a fun hobby. A hobby that is an art.


Garey, Terry. The Joy of Home Winemaking.


New York Publishers Inc. 15


Chorniak, Jeff. “trouble-free Fermentation.”


Wine Maker Oct.-Nov. 00 +


In To Wine a Division of M Communications


In To Wine How Wine is Made, 16-1, Sept. 0, 00


Http//www.intowine.com/made.html


Steinbart Wholesales Company of Portland, Oregon USA


Equipment needed for using wine kits, copyright 001, Sept. , 00


Http//www.makewinenow.com/pages/equip.html


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What to Bring

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Camping out, it’s been done for thousands of years. It should be like second nature to us after all this time. But anymore a lot of thought has to into it. When preparing for a camping trip, many things have to considered. Know where you are going. Is it easily accessible? Are there any rules such as no open fires, no motorized vehicles, ect? Some basic things to have and don’t need repeating would include; a flashlight, lantern, first aid kit, can opener, knife and insect repellent. Let’s take a look at what some other things that should be on the packing list of some camping trips.


Motor home This is great for the novice camper. It has everything anyone could need for an enjoyable weekend out in the woods. Just remember to pack clothes and food. The only limits are what kind of space there is. There is already a stove to do the cooking. A bed is there and so is the shelter. All the utensils should already be in place. Fresh water is always a concern when camping. With a motor home there is a limited amount that is stored onboard unless there is a water hook up. Just point the motor home in the right direction and enjoy the woods.


Driving and camping Lots of people enjoy driving to their destination and camping in a tent. One thing to remember, “Keep it Simple Stupid” which is self explanatory. A very important item is the camp stove or a small grill and some gas for the grill or charcoal. A cooler with ice is also important so that the food stays nice and fresh. The amount of food that is brought is only limited by the size of the cooler. When driving, a tent can be large enough to stand in such as a four man tent. A large water cooler should be brought in case there is not a fresh water supply around. Bring the clothes that are need for the trip, if it’s winter bring lots of heavy clothes, if it’s summer bring shorts and light shirts. Always bring extra socks and shoes.


Hiking overnight Hiking is an excellent way to get away from it all. But what is on your back in a back pack is what is available for the night. It’s just one night so it can still have some of the larger items as any other trip. Bring a small pup tent with it’s own bag, most fit on top or under the back pack. Sleeping bags usually come with their own bags also. One change of clothes and extra socks is all that is needed for this trip. As with food, keep it simple. A chicken leg quarter, some chopped potatoes and carrots and onions wrapped in a foil pouch on a open fire, assuming it’s allowed, makes a great dinner.


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Hiking for more than two days Now is when there is a need for a light weight tent. Can you believe that there are tents that weight less than a pound now? There are also light weight sleeping bags. Food is now available in a light weight form. It’s called freeze dried. It’s a whole meal in a small pouch and all there is to it is to add hot water. They take up very little space and are really good.


This is just a brief overview of what someone needs to think about when going on a camping trip. One important thing to remember is to think ahead. Be prepared. When going on a trip, know where you are going and what is available. Hopefully this has given enough insight to have fun in the great out doors.





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Sunday, October 23, 2011

The Physical and Verbal Aggression Shown in the Pokemon

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The length of the paper should be -5 pages long.All including


Abstract-should include a brife pargaraph in 100-150 words long, the brief description of the problem under investigation, hypotheses, a narrative summary of results, and any conclusions,the abstract should be written in past tense.


Introduction-what is the problem under investigation? why are we examining this problem? May use outside sources to help with the statement of the problem-ie, newspapers, internet information, research articles, but may not direct quotes.What does Banduras social learning theory state? what is the current study looking at? do not doing a study on the cause and effect relationships between children watching these shows and their subsequent aggressive behavior.In general,what did you expect to find? In other words state the relationship( ie,hypotheses)among the variables being studied that you expect to find( eg, male characters will be more physically aggressive that female characters,etc.) The hypotheses should be the last thing to read in the introduction section.


Methods- How did you go about conducing the study? what cartoon did you watch and when? write a brief synopsis of the plot. how did you operationally define and measure the variables?(hintcaroon Pokemon, 68-0)


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Results- what were thw main findings? summarize what you found in a narrative format(ie,written format). you should create a tale to describe your finding. Explain the differences between gender,good and bad characters and acts of physical or verbal aggression that you stated in your hypotheses. use the average number of physical and verbal aggressive acts among characters to desribe your results.


Discussion- What were your main findings as they relateted to your hypotheses? Were your hypotheses confirmed or disconfirmed? What are some of the limitations of your study? In other words does watching just one episode limit your findings in any way? Discuss other possible limitations. In your opintion, why is it important to study aggressive behavior in cartoons? Suggest ways to improve on your study next time? For example, what other variables would you study that are related to aggression in children? Can you thinks of a way to study whether watching this particular show leads to aggressive behavior? Describe such a future study briefly. Finally, make sure you have a concluding paragraph.


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Differences between “The Crucible” “The Outsider”

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Year 1 PES English


Comparative Essay


Differences between “The Crucible” “The Outsider”


There are several similarities and differences between these two texts. Most of which are centred on the main characters of each respective text. John Proctor and Mersault are isolated and slowly crushed by a society that refuses to accept them as who they are. Both men are forced to take on society, and tackle conformity head on. Both Miller and Camus have developed characters that demonstrate one mans fight against society, whether it be through a theocracy that encompasses highly strict religious values, or a legal system that judges the individual and not the crime.


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Both men are flawed as well. Proctor is forced to answer to the charges of adultery, as Mersault is simply different.


Each man has to tackle their own personnel problems as they take on society. Mersault deals with (to an extent) his friends. As Proctor must ensure the stability of his family.


The differences of the two men are displayed through the way the audience perceives them. The audience feels Sympathy for Proctor, whereas the feeling for Mersault is more that of pity.


This is because Proctors imperfection causes him to appear more human. Mersault on the other hand is seen to be unaware of the things he does, and doesn’t seem to have any real conscience or feelings. This causes us to pity Mersault as we wish that he could see and feel what was going on around him.


Proctor’s respect amongst the community is partly due to his deep religious belief. Mesault doesn’t have any time for religion. This is particularly evident during his talk with a priest in the time leading up to his execution. “ I explained to him that I didn’t believe in God. “Are you really sure of that?” I said I saw no point in troubling my head about the matter; whether I believed or didn’t was, to my mind, a question of so little importance.” Proctor contrasts this as he quickly recites out of 10 commandments when tested by a priest. Proctor also values and respects religion, Mersault certainly does not.


Both characters met their demise through their inability to lie or confess. When trailed, both men spoke the truth and paid the price. When asked about his feeling of his mother’s death, Mersault simply spoke what he felt and found that it didn’t conform to societies expectations. Proctor spoke truthfully throughout his trial and refused to confess to a crime that he had never committed. This is why the audience develops sympathy and respect for Proctor.


Their respective communities also respect the men on different levels. Proctor’s name is “white” in his village. He has the respect of his community. Mersault doesn’t have this respect because of him being a part of the “underbelly” of society. His friends include pimps, prostitutes and men who beat up women. It is this association that contributes to Mersault’s demise.


Mersault is also very judgemental, unlike Proctor who judges the individual on who they are. Although Mersault is really only judgemental through his “observing”. Proctor has the respect he has by not being judgemental.


The towns in which both men live also contribute to how they are perceived. Salem has a different social standard to Algiers, as people are judged by society through different factors. Proctors town is certainty a “puritan” society that attempts to ensure that religious values are preserved. Hence the town being described as a “new Jerusalem”. Algiers seems to be a town that displays racist and socio-economic ideals. This is evident through the courts reaction to Mersault killing an “Arab”. It also seems that the town has an “underbelly”, a hidden society that dwells in the shadows of the town.


Neither character displays any respect for authority. They challenge authority and are also seen to make fun of it as neither respect authority, as they would be expected to. Yet, authority doesn’t respect them either due to their individuality and isolation. They seem to be fighting a never-ending war between those that set the standards of acceptability, and those that challenge conformity and stand up for what they believe in. Both men front up to their trials as if on a mission to walk out of a changed courtroom. They both succeed.


Ultimately, of course, both men meet their demise at the hands of a society that has slowly suppressed them through isolation and the weight of authority. It also seems that both men won their battles as they both refused to change their ways. In the case of Mersault, society disposed of him due to his beliefs and views. Society was unable to change him however.


Proctor died with a “white” name. He refused to sign himself away and died instead of blackening his name.


Both men stood up for what they believed in and stuck with it right to the very





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Saturday, October 22, 2011

Let's Play with Sammy in "A&P"

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In A&P, John Updike uses the motif of depersonalization as one of the means by which he develops the character of Sammy, the nineteen year old narrator and protagonist of the story. In its many references to depersonalization, Sammy shows that he uses a recurring theme that figuratively reduces several individuals to an object. During the 160’s, on a Thursday afternoon at the A&P store in a city north of Boston, the attitude the narrator has towards the material presented reflects the character. Although Sammy presents himself as naive, his outstanding imagination given to us from the third person point of view seems to balance his behavior. This limited omniscient point of view helps the reader to understand exactly how the character feels about the situation he is in.


The character Sammy expresses his thoughts and reasoning as not fully developed to a level that is free from coarseness or vulgarity. He refers to the young lady’s body parts as a sweet broad looking can with...two crescents of white(7) and the smoothest scoops of vanilla [he]...had ever known(0). He also depersonalizes her intelligence when he refers to her way of thinking as a little buzz like a bee in a glass jar(7). Another example of Sammy’s immaturity is represented when he reveals a serious matter, such as Stokesie’s children, as two babies chalked up on his fuselage(8). We must remember that Updike’s character is a nineteen year old. To be at such a young age, the character does express a highly developed imagination.


Although Sammy may be presented as immature, he has the great ability to form mental images of something not real or present. He uses this to his advantage when he is dealing with cash-register-watchers(7) by smooth[ing](7) their feathers(7). Sammy found a more subtle way to describe the girls with chubby-berry faces(7) and shoulder bones like a dented sheet of metal tilted in the light(7). This character has the great potential to become a very imaginative and well rounded individual. Updike deliberately uses this motif to allow the reader to learn just how a naive nineteen year old develops into a man of great integrity.


Depersonalization, the motif John Updike uses is very effective in his story. The comments that the character used to describe the customers keeps the reader interested. Devaluing people to objects causes t he audience may have mixed feelings about Sammy. This is not an easy task to follow. Not only does the narrator have to maintain a certain level of imagination, but he or she must also obtain a great deal of knowledge about the subject. Sammy indicates an advanced level of intelligence for a nineteen year old, but not an unbelievable one. Updike is very successful with maintaining a realistic view of the character of Sammy.


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Friday, October 21, 2011

Earthbound

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The year is 00X, in a small town of Onett, within the country of Eagleland, a young 15 year old boy is about to embark on a quest to help save the earth. It is night, the residents, of Onett are sleeping peacefully, then a large BOOM!!!!!!! Ness, awakens from his bed and heads downstairs. His mother tells him its dangerous to go out, but she says he still will just sneak out. She says go back and grab a bat from your sisters room. Ness sprints upstairs to find and his sister Tracy gives him a cookie, and a cracked Teeball bat. He heads off for the door, but there is an obsecne knock, he opens his door and there stands Pokey!! Pokey has always been Nesss neighbor for the longest time, but has always been a jerk, he is short, stocky, and you cant see his eyes by his long blond hair. He says that his brother Picky ran off when the comet landed and he cant find him. Ness runs off with Pokey, until they encounter a runaway dog! Ness swings his bat, but the dog keeps attacking, Pokey just used Ness as a shield!! Ness attacks again, and finally the dog goes tame...


Pokey! Why arent you helping me?? Ness yelled


I dunno, im just estatic!! Pokey whimpered


They start climbing the hill where they see evidence of police blockades. Near the top they meet Lier X. Aggerate, he says,


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People might have fainted from the blast of the comet, but not I, Ness! I have eaten alot of garlic and stayed in shape!


Ness just ignores him and continues on. Finally there a spiteful crow attacks, and manages to steal a cookie and peck Ness. Ness sets up and smashes the bat into the bird, where it drops Nesss cookie again. Ness feels a little week but then eats the cookie and feels alot better. Pokey and Ness finally encounter the comet where they see Picky crying behind a tree.


There you are Picky, ive been worried sick about you! Pokey excailmed


Its been a long night, lets go home Ness answers.


As they start to walk home, a beam of light shoots out of the comet to the sky. They notice and run back, and you wouldnt believe what they saw.... (to finish the story, pay me 5 dollars or play Earthbound!)





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Pesuasive- Don't Drink and Drive

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Don’t Drink and Drive


Every 0 minutes someone in America dies in an alcohol related accident. Last year alone there was over one million people injured in an alcohol related traffic incident. Alcohol involvement is the single greatest factor in motor vehicle deaths and injuries. Only 4% of all crashes involve the use of alcohol, but 41% of fatal crashes are do to alcohol. There is always a way to resolve this problem. The law has defiantly played a major role in scaring people from behind the wheel of a car after drinking. Most cases it takes being charged with your first Driving While Intoxicated charge in order for the individual to learn to be more responsible. Being charged with a DWI is very expensive and time consuming. This may seem to be the worst-case scenario for some people, but others where not so lucky to walk away with only a DWI charge. Instead they would have to pay with their lives.


There is so many ways to prevent such a tragedy from occurring. From 186 to 15, alcohol-related fatalities dropped 8%. This drop is generally attributed to stronger laws, tougher enforcement, and good consumer education. One should be knowledgeable of the harm that driving under the influence can have on them. Unfortunately, even a princess is not safe with a drunk driver. Although it has always been said that it could never happen to me, the fact is that it can. Don’t let a couple of fun hours drinking ruin all the hours to come. Be safe and know all of the outcomes ahead of time.


The number one way to save your life would be to always have a designated driver. One should wear their seat belts at all times, drinking or not. Be a responsible host by serving food and have non-alcoholic drinks available. Dont let your guests drive after drinking alcohol and never serve alcohol to someone under the age of 1. Never ride in a car with someone who has been drinking. Call a cab or ask a friend to drive you home. Most of all keep a safe distance from anyone driving erratically and do not try to intervene yourself. Your life is worth so much. Don’t give it away to a couple of drinks.


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Thursday, October 20, 2011

Gendered Lives, Chapter two

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1. Discuss Video Theme�Define/Relate terms


The theme of this video states that it is not proven that when doctors make a decision as to the newborn being a boy or a girl they do not take into account how the baby will grow up, as a boy or a girl. Doctors assume a position when they suggest to the parents what should be done. In their assumption they do not take into account that anything will change in that newborn’s mindset as they grow into adolescence.


Sex is a biological factor. In the cases of John-Joan and Jade the doctors saw an informality that the child was born with and they changed the sex organs to what they believed the child would grow into being, in both cases a girl. In the case of John-Joan the follow-up that was done falsely stated that everything was going fine and the John-Joan was happy growing up as a little girl. In this case, however, John was not.


Gender is a social, symbolic system through which a culture attaches significance to biological sex. In the case of John-Joan he was raised as a girl but was uncomfortable in this setting. As he grew older, he realized he was a boy and that is what he wanted to be. Though through his gender role he was brought up to dress, look, and act like a girl he realized that his true gender identity was that of a boy’s.


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While at Baker’s on Saddle Creek one day my roommate and I were buying groceries. Our checkout person looked very much like a man but sounded very much like a girl. I remember the person was very thin and had short hair. The face was sunken in but I was sure the person was wearing make-up. The way they talked implemented that the person was a girl, though the person did not have the look of a girl. When my roommate and I left Baker’s that day we both looked at each other and I specifically remember him looking at me and saying, “What was that!” We both laughed at the thought.


This effected the way we responded to the person behind the counter. I am usually polite and have something to say, but I recall being at a loss of words and I tried not to look at the person behind the counter. I remember my roommate’s facial expression as the person said “Hello” to us. I looked at him and he smirked at the person behind the counter, as to question “What are you?”


. Summarize and discuss the video, “Boy or Girl?” as it relates to the theories found in Chapter Two.


According to the biological theory John-Joan and Jade are both male, not female. The doctors who gave birth to these children or who performed the surgery all said that these two babies were born with disfigured male genitalia. As this is, these children were born under the XY chromosome standards for male but were given surgery so as they could grow up as females with female genitalia.


The parents of these children used psychodynamic theory to shape John-Joan’s and Jade’s gender identity. In this case, to grow up to be healthy, young girls. According to the social learning theory John-Joan and Jade should have been comfortable with their gender identity because of the role their parents played in bringing them up. John-Joan was told to act like a girl and dress like a girl and brought up by his parents and society to be a girl. The parents reinforced the actions that he took as a girl to mold him into a female gender identity.


From cognitive development theory John-Joan learned for himself that he was not a she. He said in his interview that he remembered not feeling right about the way he was, referring himself as an “It”. In John-Joan’s case his actions spoke louder than the words of those around him trying to tell him to be a she.


If I had to make a decision in this case I would gain perspective from people who have dealt with this same situation and then make my decision. If it came down to a point-blank decision I would choose to not have surgery and see what comes about. It is hard to think how people that are put into this situation feel. I cannot put myself in their shoes, but I would be confused.


. Define and briefly discuss “standpoint theory”.


I am a Caucasian male and a full time student who works two jobs to pay for school and my lavish lifestyle. My standpoint in society has effected me by wanting to interact with people similar to me. I can easily engage in conversation with anyone but find it hard to establish lasting friendships with people who never have to work for anything. I do not like snooty people who believe the world owes them something. I believe in hard work and hard workers. People who are different from me are good because they give me a different perspective on life that I do not engage in.


A person on the other end of the perspective would be a black male who lives life off of others. They maybe a thief or just someone who lives off of unemployment or welfare. I believe that this individual would not see anything wrong with his life if they were not brought up to be any other way. They may judge me as someone who holds them down or doesn’t give them a chance because of their color or their place in society.


What I would see of this individual is that he doesn’t try for anything. It would seem to me that this person would more likely live a life in trouble than try to get out of his situation. I believe standpoint theories focus helps us better understand those people who we do not know nor try to understand. Standpoint theory gives us a better idea of how we relate to others in society and how our gender shapes us.





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The Changing Agricultural Landscape in the Brazilian Amazon

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Introduction


Since colonial explorers first sought to transform the Amazon into an agricultural landscape, agriculture in the Amazon has signified a means for taming the “wild” rainforest and benefiting human society. Alfred Russell Wallace, an English naturalist that studied in the Amazon from 184-5, believed that in the Amazon “nature and the climate are nowhere more favorable to the labourer, and I fearlessly assert that here the ‘primeval’ forest can be converted into rich pasture and meadow land, into cultivated fields, gardens and orchards, containing every variety of produce, with half the labour…” (Wallace 185 5 in de Onis 1 4). The belief that the Amazon’s lush greenery indicated fertile soils suitable for commercial agriculture carried weight throughout the agricultural development plans of the 160s-180s. Agrarian reform programs and the development of the cattle industry during this period sought to ease population pressures in northeastern and southern Brazil and catalyze economic growth. Decades later, scientists, policymakers and regional planners question the suitability of this agricultural development model for the Amazon due to its social and environmental consequences (e.g., rural migration, abandonment of settlement plots, soil erosion and deforestation). Despite the lessons learned, a similar agricultural model based on the export of soybeans is being implemented in the Santar�m region. The economic and scientific “success” of soybean production in Brazil’s cerrado is in part responsible for the push to expand soybean production to the Amazon. Fearnside (001 7) explains that the political discourse argues that “a few decades ago no one believed that the cerrado was good for anything, and now it is a great producer of soybeans. The next line in such rhetoric normally goes, ‘If only we believe in Amazonia…’” Just as previous agricultural development models were believed to save the Amazon from social and economic decay, soybeans are being taunted as the means for fast-track economic development. Advocates stress that soybean production will bring employment opportunities, improve infrastructure, diminish rural migration, and establish a sustainable economic path for the Amazon.


In this paper, I will look at the potential social and economic benefits proffered by the political-economic discourse for the Santar�m region. In doing so, I will demonstrate the political-economic structures that are encouraging the expansion of soy into the Amazon, namely politically connected agro-businesses from central-southern Brazil, the government-sponsored infrastructural development program Avança Brasil, and the global soybean market. This paper will illustrate how Avança Brasil and the political-economic strength of Brazil’s agro-industry reflects Brazil’s development history of supporting large-scale economic activities, particularly agro-industrial enterprises that benefit large-landholders and national development objectives. In addition, I will explore the future outlook of the soybean agricultural model for the Santar�m region with respect to sustaining rural livelihoods, regional food security, and generating regional economic opportunities. Lastly, I will briefly discuss how an export-oriented agricultural model can co-exist with smallholder agricultural production.


Agricultural Development in the Amazon 160s-180s


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Amazonian agricultural systems are a myriad of commercial and subsistence practices that involve cash crops and fruit trees, homegardens, swidden agriculture, and multi-purpose trees and shrubs. Development programs from 160-180 introduced an agricultural model to the Amazon that contrasted with the existing agricultural systems. They aimed to modernize and commercialize agriculture in the region in order to economically and socially integrate the Amazon with Brazil.


Several government programs systematically carried out the agricultural development plan including Operation Amazonia, the National Integration Program, and Program of Agricultural, Livestock, and Mineral Poles in Amazonia (POLOAMAZONIA), which directed agricultural programs from two levels-smallholder land settlement and large-scale cattle ranching (Mahar 18) . Moran (176) explains that the entire colonization process was overseen by National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA) advertising, the application process, transportation to settlement areas, land tenure, and supplying household goods and construction materials. Though it was reported that the application procedure was not consistent for each candidate (e.g., some were expected to be literate while others were not), the deliberate application process sought a particular “settler” profile (Ibid). As a result, the land settlement process was the government’s means for controlling who would be settled, where settlement would occur, and how Amazonia would be occupied. Mahar (18 11) supports this claim with respect to Operation Amazonia, which he asserts, “ensur[ed] national sovereignty by establishing self-sustaining settlements in frontier regions”. In this respect, colonists (colonos) marked the Amazon as Brazilian property.


As part of a development scheme, colonos represented progress and modernization. Other social groups such as caboclos were ignored entirely by government programs because they represented pre-modern, colonial times. Nugent (1 7) explains that in order to build a credible story for modern development in the Amazon, “the absence of ‘viable’ societies” in the Amazon needed to be portrayed. The colonos were to replace “pre-modern” populations as they were “unsightly obstacles to a vision of progress” (Nugent 1 7). Consequently, existing social groups’ knowledge about agriculture was ignored. Moran (176 0) notes that government administrators regarded caboclos as “ignorant of agriculture…which perhaps explain why few newcomers sought the caboclo for advice.” Thus, colonists relied on government institutions for agricultural knowledge and tools, which were in keeping with the development policies’ commercial agricultural objectives (e.g., high-yielding seed varieties) (Moran 176 56). (However, overtime those who remained in the agricultural sector integrated caboclo and indigenous agricultural techniques (Ibid). Need?)


In addition to contributing to the government’s national integration plan, the development agenda for the Amazon supported large-scale economic activities such as cattle-ranching and mining to boost economic growth. Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) policies in the post-World War II years until 164 set the foundation for a development model and power structure that favored industrial agribusiness (Hecht 18) and encouraged a similar process for agricultural development in the Amazon. Support for large-scale agricultural enterprises came in the form of infrastructural development (e.g., road building) and economic incentives including subsidies for landownership and agricultural inputs. The primary agri-business to receive support in the Amazon was cattle ranches, an industry that was controlled by a handful of families with political and economic power in the Amazon (Hecht 18). The increased economic support for cattle ranching through programs like POLOAMAZONIA, strengthened cattle ranchers’ political-economic power in the region. At the same time, land settlement schemes, systematically relocated a poor class to the Amazon with no regional political or economic power. As a result, the two-tiered agricultural development programs established a politically and economically divided agrarian sector in the Amazon.


Soybean Development in Brazil


While cattle ranching received government assistance in the Amazon, soy farming was beginning to change the cerrado landscape (savannah) of central-southern Brazil. Support for soy farms came in the form of funds for land acquisition and subsidies and credit for tractors and inputs (draft Hecht 001). The assistance provided for soybean production initiated a trend toward larger farm sizes and the expulsion of smallholders. From 165-180, soybean farms displaced .5 million smallholders in the state of Parana alone (Ibid). Overall, central-southern Brazil witnessed a decrease in the number of smallholdings and a 1. percent increase in 1,000-10,000 hectare farms and a 1.5 percent increase of 10,000 hectare farms (Ibid). Hecht (Ibid) notes that this trend in farm size and expulsions was due to smallholders’ inability to compete with the economies of scale favored by soy farms. In the 80s and 0s, these trends continued as soy farms moved northward seeking better soils and increasing family landholdings (Ibid).


The development agenda from 160-180 saw the expansion of large-scale agri-business throughout Brazil. In central-southern Brazil, the agro-industrial model resulted in the displacement of millions of smallholders practicing combinations of traditional and commercial agriculture. While central-southern Brazil witnessed a decrease in smallholder farming and the diversity of agricultural practices, the Amazon region increased its number of smallholders as many of the displaced migrated to the Amazon on their own or under INCRA settlement programs (Ibid). As noted above, the flux of smallholders to the region and the growing political-economic strength of cattle ranchers generated disparate landholdings and political-economic power in the region. The implications for the agricultural landscape, on the one hand, increased agricultural diversity with the addition of a new social group of smallholder farmers, the colonos, who adopted commercial agricultural crops and would eventually integrate these crops into a variety of agricultural practices. At the same time, the overall development agenda supported an agro-industrial model that encouraged the production of a few commercial commodities, which was cattle at this point in time. With the northern expansion of soy production and land concentration in the Amazon moving into the hands of a small number of agrarian elite, the development programs of this period set a political-economic framework suitable for soy production in the region.


An Export-Oriented Agricultural Model for the Amazon


The previous section laid out the process of land concentration and the implementation of a two-tiered agricultural model in the Amazon. While land holdings today remain disproportionately held by large enterprises, smallholders are important with respect to providing local grain and produce for Amazonian cities and rural communities (Shapiro 00, personal communication and IBGE 185). In addition, cattle ranches direct products to domestic markets (IBGE 185). Thus, the current agricultural landscape in the Amazon functions within local and national spheres. The recent push for increasing soy production in the Amazon symbolizes a shift in the region’s agricultural model. Fearnside (001 6) points to this shift


The role of global markets in soybean expansion is in marked contrast to the dominant land use in deforested parts of the Brazilian Amazon, namely cattle pasture. Cattle ranching has, in the context of Brazilian Amazonia, been largely motivated by ulterior motives such as land speculation, land-tenure establishment, and fiscal incentives.


Two main elements are encouraging this regional shift-the global soy market and the national agro-industry. The current global soy market is favorable to Brazil for several reasons global demand for soy, cheap production costs in Brazil, the production of non-genetically modified soy products, and trade arrangements with China and the European Union (FAS 00). The advantageous global market is encouraging the expansion of central-southern Brazil’s agricultural model to the Amazon. In addition, Brazil’s efforts to take advantage of the global soy market can in part be explained by the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) restructuring of Brazil’s economy in the late 10s to pay back its mounting debt (Jacquacu 00). By the late 180s Brazil’s debt service (the sum of the principal and the interest on loans) equaled 10 percent of its export income (Porter and Shepard 18 50). In order to increase their export income, the IMF’s structural adjustment program for Brazil mandated “increasing Brazil’s export earnings and attracting more foreign investments” (Jacquacu 00 58). In particular, Brazil was encouraged to support the expansion of industrial agriculture with price and trade liberalization polices (draft Hecht 001). Hecht (Ibid ) explains, “In a global market with numerous producers of rice, wheat, coffee, cocoa and sugarcane, Brazil was technically one of the very few countries with both the economic, farming, territorial and research infrastructure to take on mechanized soybean.” As seen with Brazil’s earlier soy expansion programs, the pillars of an export model for agriculture include an agro-industrial sector with the capital inputs for mechanized agriculture (tractors, transportation, etc.), support infrastructure, and favorable conditions for purchasing land. The following section will outline how this foundation exists or is being developed in the Amazon.


Avança Brasil, a program for constructing and strengthening infrastructure throughout Brazil, will provide US$4 billion over 8 years for paving highways, improving highway conditions, constructing railways and industrial waterways, and establishing energy networks through gas pipelines, hydroelectric dams and transmission lines in the Amazon (Fearnside 00). The transportation aspect of the infrastructural program is directed at reducing the transportation costs of exporting soy grown in central-southern Brazil (Ibid). In addition, the government’s commitment to improving transportation networks encouraged the private sector to invest in the region. For example, Cargill built a port in Santar�m for soy export primarily because of the planned infrastructural developments (Cargill unpublished).


Avança Brasil is similar to the Amazon’s infrastructural development plans from 160-180 in that infrastructure is viewed as a means for building commercial enterprises and attracting foreign investment. However, the importance of soy in catalyzing infrastructural development is significantly different from the military government’s development agenda. Rather than establishing agricultural development in the Amazon for national sovereignty, soy production shapes the region to meet global market demands. McMichael (000) notes the tendency for IMF export-oriented programs to deemphasize state managers for global managers of exports. He states, “In that sense, national policy embodies a global logic…[However,] global managerialism does not necessarily come from the outside; it can be expressed in the very policies and procedures of states as they attempt to reposition their producers in the global economy” (Ibid 14). Under this framework, Brazil directs soy production and related developments in a manner that enables their participation in regional and global trade agreements such as Mercosul and the World Trade Organization (Ibid).


In addition to aiding an export-oriented agricultural model in the Amazon, the soy-related infrastructural developments are encouraging soy farmers from central-southern Brazil to relocate to the Amazon. Between 15-, the states of Pará and Amazonas increased soybean production by 00 and 100 percent, respectively (draft Hecht 001). Hecht (Ibid) claims that the state of Pará has the potential to cultivate up to 0 million hectares of soybeans. Cargill, the Brazilian agricultural agency (EMBRAPA), and the U.S. Foreign Agricultural Service report that soybean production will continue to expand in the Santar�m region (Cargill and P., Joanne personal communication 00 and FAS 00). While slightly differing figures for the potential of soybean expansion are reported, approximately 515 hectares could be transformed into soybean fields in the region. Regardless of the exactness of the figures, documents such as soil maps for mechanized agriculture, a CD developed for Cargill by consultants and a municipal campaign in favor of soybean cultivation, demonstrates a level of commitment to the export-oriented agricultural model for the Santar�m region (P., Joanne and Cargill personal communication 00).


In order to elucidate the regional agricultural vision, it is necessary to profile who the soybean farmers are with respect to social history and networks, capital holdings and their goals for agricultural in the Santar�m region. Fearnside (001 8) points out, “Because soybeans require heavy capital investment in machinery, land preparation, and agricultural inputs, this crop is inherently the domain of wealthy agribusiness entrepreneurs rather than poor farmers.” By many respects, the first fleet of soy farmers in the Amazon represent the agro-business sector of the south and demonstrate that the same agricultural model employed in central-southern Brazil is at work in the Amazon. Interviews with three soy farmers in Belterra, Pará demonstrated that 1) two were from the southern state Matto Grosso; ) in addition to soy cultivation, two are involved in agri-businesses such as seed sales and farm machinery; ) two have credit arrangements with Cargill for agricultural supplies and business start-up costs; 4) they bought land from smallholders for their farms; and 5) their social and familial networks are connected to agri-business in the south (Reche, Shapiro and Espinosa personal communication, 00). These findings support Fearnside’s claim that soy farmers are “agribusiness entrepreneurs” with respect to their capital holdings and access to credit-both of which are necessary for establishing the agro-industrial model pioneered in central-southern Brazil. Moreover, the ability to purchase land from smallholders initiates a land concentration process beneficial to the central-southern agro-industrial model. Hecht (draft 001) notes that “the most recent, northern areas of cultivation clearly show a trend toward much larger holdings.” The lack of political-economic power granted smallholders under the development agenda of 160-180 created a land market favorable to agro-industrial farmers. For instance, the Belterra soy farmers noted that following the purchase of smallholders’ land, the land value increased up to three times the original sale price (Reche, Shapiro and Espinosa personal communication 00). Soy farmers’ accounts of buying land from smallholders reveals a potential growing pattern of smallholder “buy outs” for the region in order to support the growth of the agro-industry.


In addition to land concentration, capital holdings and credit access, their professional class as indicated by their familial and social networks (e.g., family members own farm machinery companies and/or have agricultural landholdings throughout Brazil) provides the Belterra soy farmers with business opportunities and connections that can reduce financial risks and increase their success in the Santar�m region. Though the soy farmers in the region are not formally organized, their southern origins form a political and economic link to southern political networks, which can impact soy-related decision for the Amazon. For example, Blairo Maggi, a politician from Matto Grosso who is financing soy planting in the Santar�m region, is applying political pressure to pave the Cuiabá-Santar�m highway (Fearnside 001).


The political and economic networks not only demonstrate their professional status as agribusiness entrepreneurs, it also indicates an agro-industrial vision for the region. The soy farmers explored various Amazon locations (e.g., Roraima) before settling in the Santar�m region. Their decision to settle in Belterra is a calculated business decision that was supported by the favorable agro-industrial environment being cultivated in the region. For instance, the Belterra farmers noted their proximity to the Santar�m port and the higher profit earnings as benefits to soy farming in the Santar�m area (Reche, Shapiro and Espinosa personal communication 00). As a result, the Belterra farmers are establishing a long-term business foundation in the area. Combined, the three Belterra farmers are involved in research and development studies, farm machinery sales, seed sales, and planting timber trees for future sale (Ibid). These efforts indicate a belief that they are the pioneering farmers for an industry that is on the brink of exploding in the region. One soy farmer, Pio Stefanelo, demonstrated this pioneer spirit with a statement that he is improving the economic opportunities in the region and advancing Brazil’s economic growth (Shapiro, personal communication 00). Another farmer, Ronaldo Reche, noted his contribution to the Belterra community such as maintaining town roads (Reche, personal communication 00). His description conveyed a “neighborly” spirit that stressed his positive influence for the community and the region. Fearnside (001 7) notes the tendency for the “patriotic spirit” to be upheld as an explanation for soy expansion and settlement in the Amazon region. Much like the rationale for the Amazon’s agricultural development model in the 60s-80s, soy farmers’ envision an agro-industry that can provide employment, improve local infrastructure, generate personal and national economic progress, and transform the “fruitless” Amazon into a productive landscape.


A Changing Agricultural Landscape?


The Belterra soy farmers’ are not alone in their assertion that soy production could “save” the Amazon from being an economically wasted landscape. A Cargill agronomist stated that despite the region’s capacity for mechanized agriculture (based on soil-types), colonos would never be able to realize the region’s agricultural potential because they lack capital (Cargill personal communication 00). The authors of The Dynamics of Deforestation and Economic Growth make a related argument by concluding that paving the Cuiabá-Santar�m highway and intensifying agriculture, as soybean production does, would strengthen the local economy and diminish smallholders’ need to migrate to new rural areas (Reis et al. 00 in Glenn 00). The underlying assumption in both statements is that left in the hands of colonos and other smallholders the region will remain an economic failure.


With respect to development planning in the Amazon, the argument that without external assistance and the tools of development, the Amazon and its people will remain destitute is not a new one. In his classic depiction of life in the Amazon, Charles Wagley (15 ) describes his work as “a study of the adaptation of man to a tropical environment…a case study of a ‘backward’ and underdeveloped area.” Wagley (15 ) frames his ethnography of caboclo society in the larger context of modernism and development as he notes “There is an awakening interest in the economically marginal regions of the world.” He outlines economic and social voids that exist in caboclo communities-education, proper nutrition, agricultural intensification, and modern technologies-and calls for “social and cultural changes” to transform “backward” people to modern men (15 1-1). Wagley’s depiction reflects the modernist discourse that penetrated the global economic and political forces after World War II (Escobar 188). Escobar explains that the political rearrangement of the globe in the early post-World War II period remade the world into “underdeveloped” and “developed” countries. As discussed earlier, the agricultural development models of the 60s-80s were directed under the same development discourse. However, while many of the same benefits are attributed to soybean development as for previous development models, soy farming represents a new agricultural model based on exports and global markets. Thus, the question is how might the new agricultural model transform the Amazon’s agricultural landscape? The following section will address this question with respect to the future of rural livelihoods, local food security and the region’s economic opportunities.


Economic opportunities


One of the most noted regional benefits from soy farming is employment. Cargill claims that soy farming produces 1 direct job for cultivated hectares of soy (personal communication 00). The Santar�m infrastructure department stated that 6 indirect jobs and 1 direct job would be created per 0 cultivated hectares of soy (P., Joanne personal communication 00). As both of these figures are not documented and appear to reflect personal estimations rather than research, the potential employment from soy farming is better accessed from actual on-farm statistics. Daniel Brito, a Belterra farmer with 50 cultivated hectares of soy, reported having 8 workers (Espinosa, personal communication 00). Pio Stefanelo, a Belterra farmer with 850 cultivated hectares of soy (in two separate plots), employs 0 workers (Shapiro, personal communication 00). Ronaldo Reche, a Belterra farmer with 00 cultivated hectares of soy, reported that 10-14 workers are sufficient for his business (Reche, personal communication 00). In sum, these three farms provide roughly 1 job per 40 cultivated hectares.


With respect to regional economic opportunities, the important aspects to consider are do the soy farms offer employment for local residents and is their a net gain in local employment. Interviews with five Belterra residents suggested that few local residents work on the soy farms (personal communication 00). All, but one resident, claimed they did not know of Belterra residents finding employment opportunities on the farms. When asked why local residents did not work for the soy farms, two interviewees explained that soy farming is mechanized agriculture and, therefore, requires laborers skilled in this form of agriculture, which is not the case for Belterra residents. The interview findings supports Hecht’s (draft 001 4-5) notion that in Brazil, mechanized agriculture creates a “’labor aristocracy’-people capable of using and caring for very valuable heavy machinery, including combines, computers and driers and managing complex data pertaining to timing and management of the crop.” As a result, soy farms in the Amazon employ laborers from the south, which is an assertion supported by the interview responses. In addition to hiring few, if any, local residents, Hecht (Ibid) and Zockun (180 in Fearnside 001) argue that soy expansion in-directly results in the marginalization of local labor due to a shift in land tenure that decreases smallholdings. For instance, Zockun states that in Paraná, 11 agricultural workers were displaced for every one finding employment on the soy farms. The Belterra soy farmers’ accounts of buying land from smallholders practicing agriculture indicates that a similar decrease in employment opportunities could be under way in the Santar�m region.


The initial employment findings suggest that soy farming may transform the social make-up of the rural landscape. As Hecht (draft 001) points out, local residents lack access to the Sulista hiring networks, and as a result, soy farms resemble islands of southern businessmen and laborers. McMichael (000 4) notes the tendency for industrialization projects in developing countries to generate “islands” of economic and social improvement. Interviews with Cargill, soy farmers and the local municipality did not demonstrate an initiative to break this employment pattern. A Cargill representative remarked that smallholders have other means than agriculture for sustaining their families such as fishing (Cargill personal communication 00). The Belterra soy farmers indicated that they did not know where the smallholders went after they purchased their land and expressed no concern for changing the relationship between the smallholders and the soy farmer. While the local municipality expressed concern about the potential for urbanization problems (e.g., growth of favelas, lack of social services, employment, etc.), there was no mention of a concerted program to mediate or prevent the employment trend (P., Joanne personal communication 00).


Food security


The expulsion of smallholders and the trend toward large farm sizes deemphasizes an agricultural mosaic that includes the region’s traditional roça crops-cassava, rice, beans, and corn-and fruit trees and homegardens. In Belterra and other locations along the Cuiabá-Santar�m highway, soy-rotations replaced smallholder roças. Changing the local pattern of food production is typical of developing countries that promote agro-industrialization for urban and export markets (McMichael 000). In these “new agricultural countries” agro-exports “either replace or supplement the traditional exports of the colonial era (Ibid 10).


In the case of the Brazilian Amazon, smallholder agricultural products are either ignored with the onset of agro-industrialization, as was the case for caboclos during the 160-180s, or shut down in the case of buy outs from soy farms. Fearnside (001 4) points out that along with the arrival of soy production the “lack of production of food for local consumption [occurs] because crop land used for subsistence agriculture is taken over by soybeans…” While it is too soon to predict the extent to which smallholder production will be replaced by soybean farms, the figures reported by Cargill and EMBRAPA with respect to the potential hectares suitable for soy production in the region (Cargill, personal communication 00 and P., Joanne, personal communication 00) indicate that maintaining local food security could be a future concern. In addition to replacing smallholder production, soy farms involved in rice rotations are in direct competition with smallholder rice production. Cargill’s literature on soy production in the Santar�m region states that “Santar�m is an optimal region for planting grains also because it is possible to have two harvests in the same agricultural year” (Cargill unpublished 4). The company stresses that planting rice cultivation maximizes fixed production costs and prepares the soils for soy. Due to these benefits, Cargill recommends a rice-soy rotation and/or rotations with corn and sorghum. Reche and other soy farmers noted the added economic benefit of selling rice in the local market (Reche, personal communication 00). Stefanelo and Clovis Casagrande, both soy farmers in the Santar�m region, believe that mechanized rice production will dominate the Santar�m municipality (Fujiyoshi 00). In fact, over the last five years Casagrande’s rice production grew to equal half of the Santar�m region’s rice production (Ibid). Santar�m area soy farmers envision absorbing rice markets in Bel�m and Manaus as well. Casagrande indicates that they are negotiating with grain buyers in these Amazonian cities (Ibid).


Transitioning the local rice market to mechanized farms with medium- to large-holdings could have a variety of regional impacts including devaluing smallholder rice production and minimizing the overall diversity of agricultural systems in the region-both of which signal a new framework for local food security. A Saude e Alegria program manager, a non-governmental organization that works on community development projects in the Santar�m region, indicated that soy farms are changing the local rice market and deemphasizing smallholder agriculture (Saude e Alegria, personal communication 00). If smallholders lose access to the local rice market, as Saude e Alegria and soy farmers’ plans suggest they might, a new agricultural landscape could reveal itself. McMichael (000 17) explains that “smallholder agriculture is ‘multi-functional’ in protecting biodiversity, enabling food security, anchoring rural social development, and preserving cultural heritage.” Agriculture as “multi-functional’ is not in keeping with an export-oriented agricultural economy that focuses solely on one crop for trade purposes. Agricultural functions such as local food security are no longer gained through local self-sufficiency but through a world agricultural system. The following statement by a US trade representative supports this notion with respect to food security “Food security-the ability to acquire the food you need when you need it-is best provided through a smooth-functioning world market…” McMichael (Ibid 17). Case-studies such as Japan and South Korea demonstrate that “this liberalization…requires dislocating a long-standing self-sufficiency in rice…” (Ibid). The export-oriented agricultural model playing out in the Amazon calls for a similar pattern of dislodging local self-sufficiency. In doing so, it supports the disintegration of smallholders’ myriad of agricultural practices.


Rural Livelihoods


Diminishing the importance of smallholder agriculture alters the economic opportunities available in the rural sector. As discussed above, soy farmers offer little to no employment for Santar�m’s local residents. Soy farmers, Belterra residents, the Sindicato dos Trabalhadores Rurais (STR), and the Santar�m municipality all reported that smallholders who sold their land to soy farmers went to Santar�m or Manaus for work (Reche, personal communication 00, Belterra school teacher, personal communication 00, Belterra organizer for STR, personal communication 00, and P., Joanne, personal communication 00). Hecht (draft 001 6) notes that this is not a surprising finding as “…the economic differences between traditional and industrial sectors stimulates the very high rates of urbanization typical of closing frontiers.” McMichael (000 11) explains that in a globalized agricultural system “peasant farmers lose markets to cheaper imported foods or surrender their land to larger commercial agro-export operations, [causing them to] flood the towns and cities looking for work.” Urbanization in the Amazon is not a new phenomenon. In fact, the majority of the Amazon’s population is urban (Browder and Godfrey 17). In Manaus, the establishment of the Zona Franca de Manaus (Free Trade Zone) in 167 encouraged rural-to-urban migration and resulted in the city’s population going from 00,000 in 160 to over 1.5 million today (Ibid). By diminishing economic support (e.g., markets, subsidies, etc.) for rural smallholders, industrialization, whether it’s a free trade zone or agro-industry, redefines urban and rural spaces and the livelihood practices embodied in each.


Regional Planning


The industrialization and de-peasantization process outlined in the previous section indicated striking transformations for the Santar�m region with respect to economic opportunities, food security and a shifting rural landscape. While the projections such as diminished local food security and urbanization are typical results of industrializing agriculture, efforts by the STR, extractive reserves and the new administration’s Fome Zero campaign could lessen or prevent these transformations. These programs call for a different agricultural model based on smallholder subsistence and producing and marketing local products such as farinha, rubber, and indigenous fruits. The question remains can both agricultural models co-exist in the Santar�m region? STR’s campaign to sustain the smallholders’ rural livelihood opposes the in-flux of soy farms and calls for a soy boycott (STR unpublished). The strong links between STR and the CNS creates a solidarity among the colonos and residents of extractive reserves. STR’s and CNS’s agricultural vision does not allow space for agro-industry. However, Lula’s agricultural goals include the Fome Zero campaign, which supports smallholder farming in order to attain national food security, and increasing agricultural exports (Trecenti 00). It is too early to decipher how Lula’s administration will balance two agricultural models for the nation and how they will play out in the Santar�m region. In the past, opposing agricultural development models, like supporting cattle ranching and land settlement projects, resulted in social clashes and violence. Frontier governance measures could mediate two agricultural models and minimize violent conflicts. Nepstad et al. (00) provide examples for increasing governance in the Amazon such as recognizing and strengthening indigenous, extractive and biological reserves and increasing municipal government’s capacity for environmental and development planning. With respect to maintaining smallholder agriculture and agro-industry, several steps at the municipal and federal level are needed including recognition of smallholders’ contribution to local food security and role in conserving the local landscape. In doing so, a new dimension to multiple-use communities (e.g., extractive reserves) could be explored that is based on smallholder farming.


Conclusion


In this paper, I looked at the potential social-economic transformations that could occur under an export-oriented agricultural model in the Santar�m region. In doing so, I demonstrated the political-economic structures that are encouraging the expansion of soy into the Amazon, including agri-business, the infrastructural development program Avança Brasil, and the global soybean market. I illustrated how Avança Brasil and the political-economic strength of Brazil’s agro-industry reflects Brazil’s agricultural development history of supporting agro-industrial enterprises that benefit large-landholders. Moreover, I discussed how an export-oriented agricultural model and the agri-business sector function under a development discourse. In this respect, I explored how a globalized agricultural model differs from the previous model. In turn, I demonstrated the potential outlook of the soybean agricultural model for the Santar�m region with respect to sustaining rural livelihoods, regional food security, and generating regional economic opportunities. Lastly, I suggested how to integrate smallholder agriculture into a frontier governance framework.


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